Saturday 11 October 2008

Same shit, different pile

Third-Party Blues
Posted on Oct 9, 2008

AP photo / Jim Bourg, pool

By Scott Ritter

The war in Iraq has morally crippled the Republican Party, if not all of America. The fact that a conflict which has taken the lives of more than 4,150 Americans to date, wounded tens of thousands more, and slaughtered hundreds of thousands of Iraqi civilians serves as the centerpiece of the Republican Party platform boggles the mind. As a lifelong registered Republican, I have been torn apart by the immoral embrace of the Iraq war by members of a political movement which at one time seemed to pride itself as being the defender of a strong America built on the ideals and values enshrined in the Constitution.
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With such feelings, I found myself headed to the 2008 Republican convention, where I was invited to speak to the Veterans for Peace and other groups, a committed supporter of Barack Obama. I was somewhat surprised at how my opinions and attitudes were changed by the experience.

I landed in Minneapolis in time to watch John McCain introduce his newly selected running mate, Alaska Gov. Sarah Palin, to the United States. Like many other Americans, I was struck by how little I knew of her. I listened intently as she spoke, and was taken aback not by what she said (it was standard political fare) but rather by how the crowd reacted. One moment in particular concerned me: When Palin stated that her eldest son, 19 years of age, had enlisted in the Army and was soon to be deployed to Iraq, the crowd erupted in wild cheers of “USA! USA! USA!,” as if the mother of five had announced that her son just beat the Russians at hockey. That Sarah Palin stood there, taking in the cheers with a smile, only underscored the fact that she herself had no appreciation of the gravity of the situation, and the reality of what her son was getting into. Her son’s service to his nation had been marginalized into little more than a campaign prop, his patriotism debased by a crowd of political supporters who knew little of the reality of war and instead treated it as some perverse form of national sport. One only hopes that Palin will not have to learn how it feels to be the parent of a wounded vet, or worse, a Gold Star Mother. Would she think back on that moment when she allowed her son’s courage to be demeaned by an act of partisan selfishness?

I might have seen this sort of thing coming. In April 2001, at the invitation of Rep. Jack Kingston, I spoke before the Theme Team, a collection of influential Republican congressional representatives. The topic was Iraq, and in particular Iraq’s status as a threat worthy of war. I argued that the United States must exhaust all options, especially resolving the weapons of mass destruction issue through inspections, before there could be any talk of war with Iraq. I provided the assembled Republicans, and their respective staffers, with an in-depth analysis (derived from my June 2000 article, “The Case for the Qualitative Disarmament of Iraq,” published in Arms Control Today) of what I deemed to be the current state of affairs concerning Iraqi WMD, and I warned the Theme Team that any push for war against Iraq based upon the exaggeration of a WMD threat would come back to haunt the Republican Party. As a fellow Republican who had voted for President George W. Bush, I told them, I was loath to see America under Republican leadership head down that path. My advice was not heeded. While Rep. Kingston and his fellow Republicans were receptive, thanking me for my testimony (which they claimed was “enlightening”), the Theme Team backed, and continues to back, President Bush’s disastrous decisions on Iraq.

It is with this consistent support for the Iraq war from the heart of the Republican Party in mind that one must judge John McCain’s stubborn insistence on staying the course. Long deemed a “maverick” for his tendency to run afoul of mainstream politics, on Iraq McCain has been anything but. With the presidency clearly in his sights, McCain has retreated to politically comfortable turf. He has a résumé of military service of such merit that no one dares challenge the former prisoner of war’s status as a “true American hero,” and he has built his campaign and, by extension, his party, around the themes of “military service” and “service to country.” His enthusiasm for the invasion of Iraq has been matched by his support for a continuation of the mission there through to completion and victory. In this, McCain staked out the once-lonely position of supporting a “surge” in U.S. combat strength in Iraq, standing nearly alone in 2006-2007 while most others, Democrat and Republican alike, were considering options for the reduction of U.S. force levels in Iraq, if not their outright withdrawal. McCain has staked his campaign on this support of the “surge,” coupled with the subsequent reduction of violence in Iraq. It is his strongest argument that he is a leader capable of seeing America through these difficult times.

The illusion is almost perfect. Even I, at times, am left wondering, in the face of the policy vacuum coming out of the Obama camp, whether or not McCain has gotten this one right. I have to admit to having a soft spot for John McCain. His story as rebel naval aviator and courageous prisoner of war is well known to anyone who has studied the Vietnam War and its many profiles in courage. As a junior congressman from Arizona, McCain had the courage to confront President Ronald Reagan about the lack of a viable mission for the U.S. Marines in Lebanon, before the Marine barracks were blown up by a suicide bomber. In 1998, it was John McCain who came to my defense during my testimony before the U.S. Senate, following a contemptuous assault on my viability as a witness by none other than Sen. Joe Biden (more on that later). In 2000, I counted myself among the ranks of the “McCainiacs,” infatuated by the “straight-talk express” and hopeful for some real change in Washington, following what I believed to be eight ineffective years of the Clinton administration. In fact, McCain is the only presidential candidate I have ever donated money to (although the $50 check I sent following his victory in the New Hampshire primary almost assuredly went unnoticed). But then came South Carolina, and the debacle at Bob Jones University. The absolute caving in by McCain to the religious right of America, and his unconditional surrender to the presidential ambitions of George W. Bush, left me and other “McCainiacs” feeling empty, and the “straight talk express” nothing more than a mangled wreck on the American political highway. I have never trusted John McCain since, and it is with that opportunism in mind that I so dimly assess his much touted “surge” strategy.

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The choice between McCain and Obama is a choice between a surge in Iraq and a surge in Afghanistan. You get to choose.
Posted by As'ad at 6:43 AM

8 comments:

uprooted Palestinian said...

Pepsi or coke

Anonymous said...

American Democracy: One Party wih Two Factions

This is a wake-up call to those who continue to delude themselves into thinking the Democrats somehow represent an alternative to the Bush Regime and the Republicans. Bluntly, a vote for either of the two parties of big business is a vote for war.

Michael said...

I am reminded of an old pop song "Oh what a circus, oh what a show". American "democracy" is a charade, nothing at all to choose between the two parties which in reality are just two wings of the same party. Who actually chose these two jokers from a population of around 290 million? Not Joe Bloggs that's for sure.
Neither of the two candidates have yet grasped the fact that the USA's financial problems, which incidentally will get much worse, are the results of spending billions, no trillions, of borrowed money in their futile attempt to control the world. Instead we get McCain singing "bomb. bomb Iran" and Obama suggesting it might be necessary to invade Pakistan. But the American public enjoy all the flag waving and patriotism, it is literally a circus.

uprooted Palestinian said...

Robert Fisk: United States of Israel?

When two of America's most distinguished academics dared to suggest that US foreign policy was being driven by a powerful 'Israel Lobby' whose influence was incompatible with their nation's own interests, they knew they would face allegations of anti-Semitism. But the episode has prompted America's Jewish liberals to confront their own complacency. Might the tide be turning?

uprooted Palestinian said...

Obama and McCain on the Middle East

Resolving the disasters of the Bush administration have forced Obama and McCain to adopt similar policies. But Obama appears to be better able to convince the Arab World that the United States is not at war with Islam, argues Patrick Seale.

In theory, America’s two presidential candidates -- the Democrat Barack Obama and the Republican John McCain -- are poles apart on Middle East policy. Their rhetoric has been very different on Iraq, on Iran, on Palestine, on Islamic terrorism, on torture, and even, further afield, on Russian expansion in the Caucasus.

Their advisers have also represented widely differing positions. Randy Sheunemann, McCain’s campaign foreign policy coordinator, seems to be mainly concerned with the threat from Iran and the security of Israel. In 2002, he was the founder of the Committee for the Liberation of Iraq, a pressure group which pressed for the overthrow of Saddam Hussein.

McCain is surrounded by other prominent pro-Israeli neoconservatives such as William Kristol, editor of the Weekly Standard; Robert Kagan, a co-founder of the Project for the New American Century, which contributed greatly to the formulation of President George W. Bush’s policies of unilateralism and military pre-emption; and James Woolsey, the former hard-line CIA director.

Obama, in contrast, has been advised by men such as Zbigniew Brzezinski and Anthony Lake, both ‘liberal’ former national security advisers, who have warned of the dangers of attacking Iran and have been critical of some Israeli policies.

Brzezinski in particular has said that Obama would provide “a new definition of America’s role in the world” -- a diplomatic way of saying that Bush’s policies have been profoundly misguided.

What seems clear is that the ‘Bush Doctrine’ -- particularly the ambition to reshape the Middle East by force to make it safe for America and Israel -- will be tossed into the waste bin of history.

But how valid in today’s world are the differences between the two camps? America is going through a period of immense turmoil. George W. Bush’s two mandates have sapped America’s strength -- politically, militarily, morally and financially. The current firestorm engulfing America’s financial institutions is only the latest sign heralding the end of America’s international dominance.

Whoever wins next month’s Presidential election will inherit a much-diminished America. Its freedom of action will be greatly curtailed. The prime task of the next President, whether it is Obama or McCain, will be to repair the damage and rebuild America’s strength.

In practice, therefore, it looks as if events will force the two candidates to move closer together. The ideological differences between Obama and McCain will be reduced. Already, they have both lent their support to the $700bn bailout plan for the American banking system. On economic and social policy they cannot diverge too widely because the yawning budget deficit must inevitably greatly restrict their domestic spending plans.

On Iraq, too, their differences are more rhetorical than real. McCain has said that the ‘surge’ has worked and that America should stay until ‘victory’. But the truth is that everyone -- including McCain -- has come round to Obama’s view that U.S. combat troops must be withdrawn sooner or later, and preferably sooner.

The only real policy difference between them is on the question of whether the United States should keep military bases in Iraq. Obama is against permanent bases, whereas McCain favours a long-term presence, on the model of the U.S. military presence in Germany and South Korea. This will, of course, depend on what the Iraqis will accept.

“Bomb, bomb, bomb, Iran!” McCain once sang frivolously at a public meeting, strongly suggesting that he would launch a military strike against Iran’s nuclear facilities. But he has since had to temper his bellicosity. What with the unfinished business in Iraq and the worsening situation in Afghanistan, few American political or military leaders now believe that their bankrupt country -- and their overstretched military -- could seriously contemplate opening a third front against Iran.

Obama has advocated a dialogue with Tehran, something McCain previously dismissed. But McCain has now come round to Obama’s position by saying that he would favour direct talks with Iran at Secretary of State level.

On Afghanistan -- now a key U.S. preoccupation -- both Obama and McCain recommend sending in more troops. Obama has argued that the Iraq war was a mistake and that American effort should be redirected at rooting out Al-Qaida from both Afghanistan and Pakistan. On this subject, both Obama and McCain are almost certainly mistaken. Afghanistan needs a political settlement not more war -- even if it means political concessions to the Taliban.

Pakistan, in turn, needs to be saved from the profound destabilization being caused by American pressure for Pakistani action against the Taliban and by American military operations across the Afghan-Pakistan border.

Where the candidates diverge most profoundly is over the struggle against Islamic radicalism. McCain -- echoing George W. Bush -- has said that radical Islamic extremism threatens American security and must be combated wherever it rears its head. Obama, in great contrast, is anxious to send the message that the United States is not at war with Islam.


McCain will want to pursue the ‘Global War on Terror’ by military means. Obama will want to defuse the terrorist threat by resolving political conflicts -- primarily the long-running Arab-Israeli conflict.

This lies at the heart of their differences. McCain has declared himself to be a ‘Zionist’ and will -- if his advisers are to be believed -- support Israel whatever it does. In practice, this could mean no territorial concessions to the Palestinians, and no division of Jerusalem. Obama also supports Israel but, as he has explained, this does not mean embracing the views of the Likud.

Unlike McCain, Obama seems to understand the urgency for the United States to rebuild bridges with the Arab and Muslim world. That is why he has pledged to make the Arab-Israeli conflict one of his early priorities. But it remains to be seen whether these goals will survive the pressures and constraints of power.

Patrick Seale is a leading British writer on the Middle East, and the author of The Struggle for Syria; also, Asad of Syria: The Struggle for the Middle East; and Abu Nidal: A Gun for Hire.

Copyright © 2008 Patrick Seale – distributed by Agence Global

Anonymous said...

Does the Israeli Tail Wag the American Dog?

If the United States is unable to distinguish the world’s or its own real needs from those of another state and that state’s lobby, then it simply cannot say that it always acts in its own best interests.
By Kathleen and Bill Christison

Anonymous said...

I have a theory about US presidents and the Middle East: every president since Lyndon Johnson becomes more pro-Israeli than his predecessor--with the exception of George H.W. Bush. So expect Obama to be more pro-Israeli than George W. Bush--his palling around notwithstanding.
Posted by As'ad at 9:29 AM

uprooted Palestinian said...

McCain and Palin's rallies are increasingly assuming the character of neo-Nazi rallies.
Posted by As'ad at 6:39 AM

Is that not touching? "Obama better for Israel".
I think that both are BETTER for
Israel (thanks Marcy)
Posted by As'ad at 6:22 AM